An open letter to Dr. Jennifer Roback Morse and all other active opponents of same-sex marriage:

For a variety of reasons, most if not all of which you have advanced among the non-religious, non-homophobic reasons to oppose same-sex marriage, I oppose same-sex marriage. This position has not been a pleasant one for me to take. But certain arguments against same-sex marriage, grounded in the essential nature of marriage and the state of marriage among straight people today, seem to me to compel the conclusion that, however much value there may be in same-sex relationships and whatever legal status such relationships ought to have, only a relationship that binds one woman to one man can be a marriage.

Because I believe there are such arguments, I have defended you (at least, some of you) on the charge of bigotry. I want to be able to continue to do so—especially you, Dr. Morse, since you were one of the first women I ever heard arguing that manly conduct often denounced by feminists is good for women as well as for men. That speech helped liberate me from the misandry I had internalized.

But I have been unable to find any way to defend the CPAC boycott. The boycott, conducted in response to the inclusion in CPAC of the gay conservative organization GOProud, is supposedly based on the premise that a non-conservative organization should not be in a conservative event. But it is difficult to see in what way GOProud is not a conservative organization.

First of all, one can normally count as a member of a political movement even if one does not agree with all its positions. Second, even if there are some positions with which one cannot disagree and remain a conservative, it is by no means clear that opposition to same-sex marriage is one of them.

But perhaps most importantly, GOProud is not for the legal recognition of same-sex marriage. Its position, clearly stated on its website, is that same-sex marriage is a question for the states; it opposes amending the Constitution to ban same-sex marriage. This is an impeccably conservative position. Marriage law is traditionally and constitutionally a state matter, and for the federal government to take control of it would be, as GOProud says, “an unprecedented federal power grab.”

So, as far as I can tell, the boycotters have taken the position that GOProud ought to be unwelcome at CPAC not because of its position on same-sex marriage, but because of its identity as a gay organization.

Now, I suppose it is possible to reject gay conservative organizations without rejecting gay conservative individuals. You might, for example, be perfectly content to have the NRA at CPAC even if it elected a gay president: GOProud is defined by gayness; the NRA is defined by the Second Amendment.

There is, certainly, a strand in conservative thought that rejects organization by demography. But the fact is that there are conservative organizations based on demography. Most notably, there are conservative women’s organizations such as the Network of enlightened Women, which, as I recall, hosted you at the University of Virginia, Dr. Morse. Conservative women’s organizations are valuable for at least four reasons: They can argue that conservative principles are good for women; they can thereby rebut the left’s claim that the right wants to oppress women; they can debate how conservative principles apply in women’s lives; and by their example, they can show that self-respecting women can belong on the right. And all the same reasons apply in the case of gay conservative organizations: They can argue that conservative principles are good for gay people; they can thereby rebut the left’s claim that the right wants to oppress gay people; they can debate how conservative principles apply in gay people’s lives; and by their example, they can show that self-respecting gay people can belong on the right.

There’s one problem with that last point: the boycott.

So whether we take the boycott to be aimed directly at gay people or at gay organizations, I cannot see how we can avoid interpreting it as asserting that gay people do not belong among conservatives. And today, Dr. Morse, your own Ruth Institute posted, and appeared to endorse, a column asserting that there could be no such person as a gay conservative—that the mere fact of being attracted to one’s own sex, regardless of what political positions one takes, and regardless even of one’s sexual choices, disqualifies a person from being a member of the conservative movement.

That’s not defending marriage. That’s making outcasts of people because of who they are, because of a nature they did not choose—because, to borrow your language, of how God made them.

That’s bigotry.

So tell me, Dr. Morse and any other boycotter who reads this: How am I supposed to continue to defend you? How am I supposed to believe that you are motivated not by the feeling that (as a friend of mine mockingly put it) “gay people are icky,” but by your convictions about the needs of straight men, straight women, and the children they conceive? What, if not an unwillingness to associate with gay people, is the justification of your boycott?

I ask these questions in all sincerity. I would like answers. I haven’t been able to find them.

Here’s a chart of the percentage of Ph.D.’s in various disciplines awarded to women. A feminist philosopher I know posted the link to Facebook, expressing sadness at the low percentage in our field.

Of course, almost every Ph.D. is awarded either to a woman or to a man (and not both), because almost everyone is unambiguously one sex or the other. So with a little arithmetic, or just the ability to gauge distance from the right side of a grid instead of the left, we can view it as a chart of the percentage of doctorates in these fields awarded to men. And lo and behold, the percentage of newly minted Ph.D. psychologists who are men is, according to the chart, about the same (just less than 30) as the percentage of newly minted Ph.D. philosophers who are women.

Is either a problem? If so, which is worse? Or might this simply reflect different levels of interest in the two fields?

Some University of Virginia students are organizing a party around the recently banned caffeinated alcoholic beverages. They comment:

In 2005, scientists at Phusion Projects in Chicago Illinois created what can only be described as “The Drink of the Heavens”. What better way to induce blackout inspired slop-fests than a beverage that contained a hearty serving of Alcohol, plus an unnecessary amount of caffeine?

Due to the abuses of those who were not of legal drinking age (and probably to the health considerations of David Schultz), the FDA put this masterpiece on its list of banned substances a list which also includes: Haggis, chloroform, and Unicorn blood.

Anyone who has taken an American History class know how ineffective such bans can be. Due to some forward planning by your friends at 320 14th street, we decided to stockpile this rare nectar and are graciously prepared to indulge you one last time.

The idea is simple: Party, 1920s Prohibition style!

As always, some talking points of what you can expect:

  • Blackouts.
  • Joose/Four Loko punch
  • Joose/Four Loko cans
  • Beer for those who actually value their personal health
  • 1920s Gangster/Flapper attire
  • FDA sanctions>

****As a note: All of these Four Loko’s and Jooses (Jeese?) are the PRE-BAN types, not the … non-caffeinated ones they sell now.****

I wish I could attend such an event, but I will probably not get back from CPAC in time, and I don’t know any of the organizers anyway. Still, it seems like a great idea, and I hope they publicize it widely. Here’s the Facebook page.

One thing, though: They compare the ban on Four Loko and similar products to 1920s prohibition, but they forget to mention the sort of prohibition whose effects college students have been living with for years: Alcohol prohibition as to people under 21. Perhaps they’re just too used to it. That happens with laws, even bad ones.

It used to be a tyrant could count on a safe, luxurious retirement. Now, instead of a comfortable exile, he may face justice, both civil and criminal.

This is, of course, just: A man is not entitled to get away with looting, torture and murder merely because he has committed (as Plato says) “the whole of injustice” by taking over a political society.

But as Scott Horton points out in Foreign Policy, this sharply reduces the tyrant’s incentive to acquiesce in his loss of power. To a man who values wealth, prestige, and power, exile with wealth and an odd sort of prestige is more attractive than what the revolution might do to him if he refuses to flee. But if fleeing means that after losing his country, he’ll lose his loot and his freedom — why should he flee?

It does not, of course, follow that those who commit the whole of injustice should be guaranteed an escape from justice. But the purpose of criminal justice is to secure individual rights. And if the fear of justice keeps a tyrant in power when he otherwise would have left, and if the next regime would have been better for individual rights, perhaps some attention should be paid to the costs.

Or perhaps revolutionary movements — and those who would declare tyrants’ regimes over — will have to give up on the idea of pushing the tyrants out and, instead, bring back the ancient custom of killing them.

A woman who grew up (despite her parents’ traditional views) so committed to sex equality she wouldn’t let a maitre d’ pull out her seat tells how she came to appreciate chivalrous gestures. (The Frisky)

A New York state senator has released a video encouraging parents to subject their teenage sons and daughters to intensive searches of their bags and rooms. Jeffrey Nadel, president of the National Youth Rights Association, was invited along with the senator on CNN’s Headline News to debate the issue. Here’s the debate, such as it was:

Even if parental searches had no other ill effects, they violate young people’s rights of property, privacy, and dignity outrageously, and should be condemned for that. But they do have ill effects — in the short term and in the long term, in the household and beyond.

Directing constant vigilance toward your son or daughter destroys the possibility of trust and increases fear, as Mr. Nadel points out. More than that, it sends the message that you see him or her as likely to engage in crime, and people have been known to live up to such expectations.

But perhaps the worst effect is this: If a person is subject to prison-like surveillance growing up, if he learns to see himself as lacking autonomy and space of his own, these lessons are likely to stay with him. And they are an education for subjection, not for free citizenship. Parents who treat their sons and daughters this way not only make it harder for them to truly live while they are young, which is a crime against them, nor only make it harder for them to flourish as adults, a further crime against them: They risk teaching them to be submissive citizens — and if that is what they are when they enter the voting booth and the jury box, that endangers all of us.

Fortunately, some young people rebel against such treatment; the parenting that does not crush them makes them stronger (to paraphrase Nietzsche) — but a virtue found in defiance of a parent is no credit to the parent.

H/T NYRA and The Huffington Post. Note: I am a member of NYRA and friends (in a stronger or weaker sense) with several of its leaders.

Finally, someone has some statistics on what the Egyptian people, who are probably about to take control of their country, want by way of a government — or at least, what they said in a survey last year. (The Examiner)

Notably, an overwhelming majority favored executing apostates from Islam, although in another survey an overwhelming majority came out for freedom of religion. I suggest that these can be reconciled if, in keeping with the tribalism of the region, we take this as a collective religious freedom — that is, the freedom of each existing religious group to continue to practice its religion. This would explain why Egypt’s Christians can support the revolution — under such a view of religious freedom, they would be free to continue practicing Christianity, to teach it to their children, etc. — without giving us any reason to view the revolution as one that favors individual rights, which are the only rights worthy of the name.

Indeed, while tolerating religious diversity, but not conversion (or at least conversion from Islam) avoids the misery that persecuting minority religions can create, the most important value of religious freedom is the freedom it gives the individual mind. If Muslims do not have the freedom to leave their religion, their intellectual freedom is sharply limited.

And yet, a majority favored democracy with freedom of speech.

A majority of Egyptians preferred fundamentalists over modernizers, suggesting that even though the Muslim Brotherhood does not appear to be orchestrating the revolution, it might turn out to be a major beneficiary.

And while 72 percent of Egyptians take a negative view of al-Qaeda, 82 percent take a negative view of the United States.

These statistics remind us that democracy does not necessarily mean liberty. As the American Founders warned us, the people can tyrannize over themselves.

They remind us that disapproval of us does not necessarily mean approval of our enemies.

And they may seem to give support to those who claim the United States must support the dictators who are willing to support us. But while at least in the short term the dictator Hosni Mubarak may be better for the United States than the government the Egyptian people would choose, we’re looking at the Egyptian people after 30 years of dictatorship — a dictatorship long backed by the United States. Supporting dictators tells their victims that we are not on their side, so we have no business expecting them to take ours. Worse, it tells them not to take our ideas seriously, for as much as presidents may assert that we want everyone to be free, and as much as our founding document may proclaim that all men have unalienable rights, our government’s support for tyrants makes it seem we no longer believe what we once held self-evident.

It would be a different matter if we were supporting only undemocratic regimes that were making clear, visible progress towards liberty and democracy — if we could say that the apparent dictators we support were those under whom their people were more free than they would be under an elective government, and that those countries were making progress toward the day when they could be both free and democratic. This is plainly not the case. If Mubarak had been such a dictator, we would not now be looking at a popular revolt with a substantial likelihood of resulting in Islamic rule.

If instead of supplying money and arms to Mubarak, we had spent that time doing what we could to promote liberty as an alternative rallying point for dissent, we might be looking at a very different revolution — or perhaps, we might have seen it years ago.

Remarkably, the student newspaper at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas editorialized in favor of an enforcible civility code. The Las Vegas Review-Journal replied, explaining that proscribing ideas is contrary to a university’s mission. H/T Student Press Law Center.

If it seems a little funny that a professional newspaper should have to explain that to a student newspaper, here’s the part that makes it hi-larious: The student newspaper in question, devotee of political correctness and authority that it is, is named The Rebel Yell — a phrase that refers to the war cry of Confederate soldiers. Surely that could be considered offensive.

Of course, it is a good idea not to needlessly offend people. But especially on a university campus, open discussion is, both for itself and for its role in finding truth, essential to human flourishing. And therefore, courtesy must be a value considered by individual speakers, not a rule imposed by the institution.

As Fred Korematsu’s 92nd birthday — a holiday in the state of California — approaches, the Los Angeles Times presents a tribute to a man who, in defiance of a military order that civilians of Japanese ancestry were to be interned, stood on the principle that American citizens are American citizens regardless of race.

There is a figurine in a passenger’s luggage with a radio and a gun made to its scale. The gun is:

(A) A toy; ignore it.

(B) Potentially dangerous; examine it closely, and if it really is a toy, don’t worry about it.

(C) HORRORS, A WEAPON!!! Remove it from the figurine and insist that the passenger ship it home by mail.

If you chose C, congratulations: You’re qualified to work for British airport security.

Western counterterrorism is so funny, you could die laughing.

© 2010 Flourishing Now Suffusion theme by Sayontan Sinha